Although scientific evidence suggests that women become less physiologically aroused after drinking, men perceived them as more sexual, more likely to initiate sexual intercourse, and more aroused by erotica (Crowe and George, 1989; George et al., 1990, 1995; Corcoran and Thomas, 1991).
This is why an effective legislative and justice response is the foundation stone of preventing violence.But even where good response systems are in place, many perpetrators continue to feel justified or permitted in abusing women. Therefore, in the following sections several salient findings emerging from each single-factor domain are highlighted to illustrate how each contributes something to the causal nexus of perpetration of violence. Among them have been biologic factors such as androgenic hormonal influences; evolutionary theo-ries; intrapsychic explanations focused on mental disorder or personality traits and profiles; social learning models that highlight the socialization experiences that shape individual men to be violent; social information processing theory concerning the cognitive processes that offenders engage in before, during, and after violence; sociocultural analyses aimed at understanding the structural features of society at the level of the dyad, family, peer group, school, religion, media, and state that encourage male violence and maintain women as a vulnerable class of potential victims; and feminist explanations stressing the gendered nature of violence against women and its roots in patriarchal social systems.
Davis and colleagues (1995) found that rape, attempted rape, and aggravated assault of women all had negative psychological consequences on their friends, family members, and romantic partners, regardless of the victim's level of distress. Woman, of course, was viewed as the property."
Other studies have shown that children who have experienced parental violence have more deficits in social competence (Jaffe et al., 1986b; Wolfe et al., 1986) and higher levels of depression, anxiety, and temperament problems than children in nonviolent homes (Jaffe et al., 1986b; Christopher-poulos et al., 1987; Holden and Ritchie, 1991).
Typologies of batterers have generally used one, or a combination, of three dimensions to distinguish between subgroups: frequency and severity of physical violence and related sexual or psychological abuse; generality of the violence (i.e., violence only in the family or violence in general); and psychopathology or personality disorder (Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart, 1994).
For example, approximately 25 percent of middle school, high school, and college students state that it is acceptable for a man to force sex on a woman if he spent money on her (Goodchilds and Zellman, 1984; Muehlenhard et al., 1985; Goodchilds et al., 1988).Since Burt (1980) first defined "rape myths" and developed a scale to measure them, a large body of research has examined the role of attitudes and false beliefs about rape on perpetration of sexual assault and on society's response to sexual assault.
Nevertheless, the authors concluded that sexual assault in particular posed a very significant risk factor to the mental health of adolescents.Violence against women is one factor in the growing wave of alarm about violence in American society. Most studies of the consequences of violence look at impairments; only a few studies examine resilience and strengths as protectors against untoward outcomes or as alternative results to impairment (Gilfus, 1995).Also missing in the literature is a developmentally oriented approach that follows the outcomes of exposure to violence into later stages of adult development.
Adolescent sexual victimization significantly predicted alcohol consumption at the onset of college, while alcohol consumption during college did not predict subsequent victimization. Yet, because both intimate partner violence and sexual assault usually take place in private, self-reports play a central role in their study.
The rate of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) transmission due to rape is unknown (Koss et al., 1994), but it is of concern to a sizable proportion of rape victims (Baker et al., 1990). What are the costs associated with the isolation, fear, and lack of freedom that plague the lives of battered women and their children? For example, incarcerated rapists often rationalize that their victim either desired or deserved to experience forced sexual acts. However, as suggested by a previous study (Reiss and Roth, 1993), preventing head injuries and environmental exposure to toxins, such as lead, that may damage brain functioning could be considered potential avenues for preventing violence.drinking (Pernanen, 1976). Participation in revenue-producing sports at the collegiate level was found to be a significant predictor of sexual aggression among college students (Koss and Gaines, 1993). Many differences between rape victims and nonvictimized women disappear after 3 months with the exception of continued reports of fear, self-esteem problems, and sexual problems, which may persist for up to 18 months or longer (Resick, 1987). She notes that until the end of the thirteenth century, only unmarried virgins were considered blameless in their victimization; married women who were raped were punished along with their rapist. Estimates by the World Health Organization (WHO) indicate that about 1 in 3 (35 percent) of women and girls worldwide have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime. Widely cited assertions of intergenerational relationships in intimate partner violence are based on cross-sectional studies, and the findings are open to multiple explanations, including biases inherent in self-report data. For example, a study by Victim Services in New York City found that 56 percent of working battered women had lost a job as a direct result of the violence, and 75percent had been harassed while they were at work by their partners (Friedman and Couper, 1987). In one community sample, 19 percent of rape victims had attempted suicide in comparison with 2 percent of nonvictims (Kilpatrick et al., 1985). Clinical samples are most likely not representative of either victims or perpetrators; in general population surveys, the numbers of ethnic, racial, cultural, and other subgroups are too small for analysis. We need to change the behaviour and attitudes of men, and challenge masculine stereotypes, which make aggression and violence against women acceptable. Completed rapes have been found to be more likely in couples who know each other well than among persons who are acquaintances (Belnap, 1989).
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